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Israel’s Lies
Henry SiegmanWestern governments and most of the Western media have accepted a number of Israeli claims justifying the military assault on Gaza: that Hamas consistently violated the six-month truce that Israel observed and then refused to extend it; that Israel therefore had no choice but to destroy Hamas’s capacity to launch missiles into Israeli towns; that Hamas is a terrorist organisation, part of a global jihadi network; and that Israel has acted not only in its own defence but on behalf of an international struggle by Western democracies against this network.
I am not aware of a single major American newspaper, radio station or TV channel whose coverage of the assault on Gaza questions this version of events. Criticism of Israel’s actions, if any (and there has been none from the Bush administration), has focused instead on whether the IDF’s carnage is proportional to the threat it sought to counter, and whether it is taking adequate measures to prevent civilian casualties.
Middle East peacemaking has been smothered in deceptive euphemisms, so let me state bluntly that each of these claims is a lie. Israel, not Hamas, violated the truce: Hamas undertook to stop firing rockets into Israel; in return, Israel was to ease its throttlehold on Gaza. In fact, during the truce, it tightened it further. This was confirmed not only by every neutral international observer and NGO on the scene but by Brigadier General (Res.) Shmuel Zakai, a former commander of the IDF’s Gaza Division. In an interview in Ha’aretz on 22 December, he accused Israel’s government of having made a ‘central error’ during the tahdiyeh, the six-month period of relative truce, by failing ‘to take advantage of the calm to improve, rather than markedly worsen, the economic plight of the Palestinians of the Strip . . . When you create a tahdiyeh, and the economic pressure on the Strip continues,’ General Zakai said, ‘it is obvious that Hamas will try to reach an improved tahdiyeh, and that their way to achieve this is resumed Qassam fire . . . You cannot just land blows, leave the Palestinians in Gaza in the economic distress they’re in, and expect that Hamas will just sit around and do nothing.’
The truce, which began in June last year and was due for renewal in December, required both parties to refrain from violent action against the other. Hamas had to cease its rocket assaults and prevent the firing of rockets by other groups such as Islamic Jihad (even Israel’s intelligence agencies acknowledged this had been implemented with surprising effectiveness), and Israel had to put a stop to its targeted assassinations and military incursions. This understanding was seriously violated on 4 November, when the IDF entered Gaza and killed six members of Hamas. Hamas responded by launching Qassam rockets and Grad missiles. Even so, it offered to extend the truce, but only on condition that Israel ended its blockade. Israel refused. It could have met its obligation to protect its citizens by agreeing to ease the blockade, but it didn’t even try. It cannot be said that Israel launched its assault to protect its citizens from rockets. It did so to protect its right to continue the strangulation of Gaza’s population.
Everyone seems to have forgotten that Hamas declared an end to suicide bombings and rocket fire when it decided to join the Palestinian political process, and largely stuck to it for more than a year. Bush publicly welcomed that decision, citing it as an example of the success of his campaign for democracy in the Middle East. (He had no other success to point to.) When Hamas unexpectedly won the election, Israel and the US immediately sought to delegitimise the result and embraced Mahmoud Abbas, the head of Fatah, who until then had been dismissed by Israel’s leaders as a ‘plucked chicken’. They armed and trained his security forces to overthrow Hamas; and when Hamas – brutally, to be sure – pre-empted this violent attempt to reverse the result of the first honest democratic election in the modern Middle East, Israel and the Bush administration imposed the blockade.
Israel seeks to counter these indisputable facts by maintaining that in withdrawing Israeli settlements from Gaza in 2005, Ariel Sharon gave Hamas the chance to set out on the path to statehood, a chance it refused to take; instead, it transformed Gaza into a launching-pad for firing missiles at Israel’s civilian population. The charge is a lie twice over. First, for all its failings, Hamas brought to Gaza a level of law and order unknown in recent years, and did so without the large sums of money that donors showered on the Fatah-led Palestinian Authority. It eliminated the violent gangs and warlords who terrorised Gaza under Fatah’s rule. Non-observant Muslims, Christians and other minorities have more religious freedom under Hamas rule than they would have in Saudi Arabia, for example, or under many other Arab regimes.
The greater lie is that Sharon’s withdrawal from Gaza was intended as a prelude to further withdrawals and a peace agreement. This is how Sharon’s senior adviser Dov Weisglass, who was also his chief negotiator with the Americans, described the withdrawal from Gaza, in an interview with Ha’aretz in August 2004:
What I effectively agreed to with the Americans was that part of the settlements [i.e. the major settlement blocks on the West Bank] would not be dealt with at all, and the rest will not be dealt with until the Palestinians turn into Finns . . . The significance [of the agreement with the US] is the freezing of the political process. And when you freeze that process, you prevent the establishment of a Palestinian state and you prevent a discussion about the refugees, the borders and Jerusalem. Effectively, this whole package that is called the Palestinian state, with all that it entails, has been removed from our agenda indefinitely. And all this with [President Bush’s] authority and permission . . . and the ratification of both houses of Congress.Do the Israelis and Americans think that Palestinians don’t read the Israeli papers, or that when they saw what was happening on the West Bank they couldn’t figure out for themselves what Sharon was up to?
Israel’s government would like the world to believe that Hamas launched its Qassam rockets because that is what terrorists do and Hamas is a generic terrorist group. In fact, Hamas is no more a ‘terror organisation’ (Israel’s preferred term) than the Zionist movement was during its struggle for a Jewish homeland. In the late 1930s and 1940s, parties within the Zionist movement resorted to terrorist activities for strategic reasons. According to Benny Morris, it was the Irgun that first targeted civilians. He writes in Righteous Victims that an upsurge of Arab terrorism in 1937 ‘triggered a wave of Irgun bombings against Arab crowds and buses, introducing a new dimension to the conflict’. He also documents atrocities committed during the 1948-49 war by the IDF, admitting in a 2004 interview, published in Ha’aretz, that material released by Israel’s Ministry of Defence showed that ‘there were far more Israeli acts of massacre than I had previously thought . . . In the months of April-May 1948, units of the Haganah were given operational orders that stated explicitly that they were to uproot the villagers, expel them, and destroy the villages themselves.’ In a number of Palestinian villages and towns the IDF carried out organised executions of civilians. Asked by Ha’aretz whether he condemned the ethnic cleansing, Morris replied that he did not:
A Jewish state would not have come into being without the uprooting of 700,000 Palestinians. Therefore it was necessary to uproot them. There was no choice but to expel that population. It was necessary to cleanse the hinterland and cleanse the border areas and cleanse the main roads. It was necessary to cleanse the villages from which our convoys and our settlements were fired on.In other words, when Jews target and kill innocent civilians to advance their national struggle, they are patriots. When their adversaries do so, they are terrorists.
It is too easy to describe Hamas simply as a ‘terror organisation’. It is a religious nationalist movement that resorts to terrorism, as the Zionist movement did during its struggle for statehood, in the mistaken belief that it is the only way to end an oppressive occupation and bring about a Palestinian state. While Hamas’s ideology formally calls for that state to be established on the ruins of the state of Israel, this doesn’t determine Hamas’s actual policies today any more than the same declaration in the PLO charter determined Fatah’s actions.
These are not the conclusions of an apologist for Hamas but the opinions of the former head of Mossad and Sharon’s national security adviser, Ephraim Halevy. The Hamas leadership has undergone a change ‘right under our very noses’, Halevy wrote recently in Yedioth Ahronoth, by recognising that ‘its ideological goal is not attainable and will not be in the foreseeable future.’ It is now ready and willing to see the establishment of a Palestinian state within the temporary borders of 1967. Halevy noted that while Hamas has not said how ‘temporary’ those borders would be, ‘they know that the moment a Palestinian state is established with their co-operation, they will be obligated to change the rules of the game: they will have to adopt a path that could lead them far from their original ideological goals.’ In an earlier article, Halevy also pointed out the absurdity of linking Hamas to al-Qaida.
In the eyes of al-Qaida, the members of Hamas are perceived as heretics due to their stated desire to participate, even indirectly, in processes of any understandings or agreements with Israel. [The Hamas political bureau chief, Khaled] Mashal’s declaration diametrically contradicts al-Qaida’s approach, and provides Israel with an opportunity, perhaps a historic one, to leverage it for the better.Why then are Israel’s leaders so determined to destroy Hamas? Because they believe that its leadership, unlike that of Fatah, cannot be intimidated into accepting a peace accord that establishes a Palestinian ‘state’ made up of territorially disconnected entities over which Israel would be able to retain permanent control. Control of the West Bank has been the unwavering objective of Israel’s military, intelligence and political elites since the end of the Six-Day War. They believe that Hamas would not permit such a cantonisation of Palestinian territory, no matter how long the occupation continues. They may be wrong about Abbas and his superannuated cohorts, but they are entirely right about Hamas.
Middle East observers wonder whether Israel’s assault on Hamas will succeed in destroying the organisation or expelling it from Gaza. This is an irrelevant question. If Israel plans to keep control over any future Palestinian entity, it will never find a Palestinian partner, and even if it succeeds in dismantling Hamas, the movement will in time be replaced by a far more radical Palestinian opposition.
If Barack Obama picks a seasoned Middle East envoy who clings to the idea that outsiders should not present their own proposals for a just and sustainable peace agreement, much less press the parties to accept it, but instead leave them to work out their differences, he will assure a future Palestinian resistance far more extreme than Hamas – one likely to be allied with al-Qaida. For the US, Europe and most of the rest of the world, this would be the worst possible outcome. Perhaps some Israelis, including the settler leadership, believe it would serve their purposes, since it would provide the government with a compelling pretext to hold on to all of Palestine. But this is a delusion that would bring about the end of Israel as a Jewish and democratic state.
Anthony Cordesman, one of the most reliable military analysts of the Middle East, and a friend of Israel, argued in a 9 January report for the Center for Strategic and International Studies that the tactical advantages of continuing the operation in Gaza were outweighed by the strategic cost – and were probably no greater than any gains Israel may have made early in the war in selective strikes on key Hamas facilities. ‘Has Israel somehow blundered into a steadily escalating war without a clear strategic goal, or at least one it can credibly achieve?’ he asks. ‘Will Israel end in empowering an enemy in political terms that it defeated in tactical terms? Will Israel’s actions seriously damage the US position in the region, any hope of peace, as well as moderate Arab regimes and voices in the process? To be blunt, the answer so far seems to be yes.’ Cordesman concludes that ‘any leader can take a tough stand and claim that tactical gains are a meaningful victory. If this is all that Olmert, Livni and Barak have for an answer, then they have disgraced themselves and damaged their country and their friends.’
15 January
Henry Siegman, director of the US Middle East Project in New York, is a visiting research professor at SOAS, University of London. He is a former national director of the American Jewish Congress and of the Synagogue Council of America.
http://www.lrb.co.uk/v31/n02/sieg01_.html
http://jewishpeacenews.blogspot.com/2009/01/henry-siegman-israels-lies.html
http://www.zmag.org/znet/viewArticle/20372本帖最後由 誠惶誠恐 於 2009-5-23 19:03 編輯
大公報:加沙戰火只為選舉?以色列連對手都找錯
2009/01/14中新網1月14日電 香港《大公報》14日刊文說，如果加沙衝突正如部分學者之言，只是一場以色列政壇前進黨與工黨的聯合選戰，這一個大型的選舉工程可謂笨得很。因為當中有兩大疑問是許多學者難以理解的。動機成疑之外，以色列連對手也都找錯。而美國政府換屆在即，奧巴馬(相關)的此前表態暗示，其以巴政策與布殊(相關)的將相去不遠。
文章摘錄如下：
距離布殊政府最後日子不足一個月的時候，一場盛大的煙火盛祝布殊下台。不過，這一場煙火不在美國，而是在萬里之外的以色列。經過連番空襲後，以色列在本月四日令地面部隊開始進入加沙地帶。雖然加沙哈馬斯派別有零星的迫擊炮和火箭還擊，但無礙以色列的空襲與地面進攻。
以色列總理奧爾默特的辦公室已經緊急動員數以萬計的預備役軍人，多波的地面進攻正在展開。以色列政府還表示戰火會再持續二十幾日。記得在任內的最後一年，小布殊與賴斯在中東宣傳巴勒斯坦國的和平路線，並強調用總統任期的余暉為以巴照出和平前景。時至今日，這一場以巴大型衝突已經為共和黨的中東策略評下分數。
加沙戰火只是為選舉？
戰火四起，這一次大型以巴衝突來得十分突然。雖然以軍方面早有預告，但用兵之多是大多學者不理解的。各大報章的焦點放在2月10日的以色列大選之上，認為以軍進攻是執政的前進黨利夫尼、較親和的工黨波歷克、中間偏右的利庫德集團領袖內塔尼亞胡的三人之宣傳與反宣傳。現任總理奧爾默特一向被視為前進黨中的和善派，甚至有黨內聲音認為他是懦弱領袖。
以色列巴爾伊蘭大學埃夫拉伊姆．因巴爾教授認為，以色列南部居民八年內生活在火箭彈襲擊的威脅之下，以致前進黨大失南部選票。前進黨為打造利夫尼鷹派形象，特意攻擊巴勒斯坦。趁著這鷹派表演，利夫尼政敵兼聯合內閣的國防部長波歷克也曾警告說，哈馬斯將為聖誕夜的火箭彈攻擊付出沉重代價。利夫尼與波歷克的聯合行動，目的都是要顯示自己對哈馬斯強硬的一面，以爭取內塔尼亞胡之類的鷹派選票。
如果事實正如部分學者之言，只是一場前進黨與工黨的聯合選戰，這一個大型的選舉工程可謂笨得很。因為，當中有兩大疑問是許多學者難以理解的。(一)錯誤的因果關係：前進黨的失敗本身是基於其政治根基未穩(前進黨在2005年由當時為利庫德集團的沙龍所創立)，以及奧爾默特的賄賂案。內憂重於外患，利夫尼首要做的選舉工程當然是要與奧爾默特政府有一定程度上的分割。炮轟巴勒斯坦，只是轉移視線，延遲政黨死亡而已。
(二)以色列已被左右二分化：以色列Dialog institute的1月的調查顯示，現時右翼利庫德集團可以取得32席，前進黨為27席。反巴的右翼聯合政黨，包括利庫德集團、以色列是我家，及其餘宗教團體可取60席；同時，較平和的中左政黨聯盟，包括前進黨、工黨、Meretz及阿拉伯團體亦可取60席。可見，以色列此時此刻因為對成立巴勒斯坦問題的分歧而被二分化。執政黨貿貿然出戰，只會激起以色列人反巴情緒。長遠來說，這一次攻擊只會對利夫尼與波歷克幫倒忙。
以色列連對手都找錯
動機成疑之外，以色列連對手都找錯了(雖然他們已不只一次找錯對手)。以色列和哈馬斯去年6月19日簽署停戰協議以來，哈馬斯的確沒有攻擊以色列。據伊斯蘭聖戰組織稱，以色列曾九次違反停戰協議，包括向加沙水域內的巴勒斯坦漁民開槍。
在去年6月24日，巴勒斯坦激進組織伊斯蘭聖戰者向以色列發射火箭炮，以報復以軍空襲西岸時炸死該組織的兩名成員。另外，三名巴勒斯坦激進組織阿克薩烈士旅的成員向以色列境內發射火箭彈以報復該組織一名沒有武裝的成員在加沙邊境站被以軍打死；而且，發射火箭彈的阿克薩烈士旅成員隨即被哈馬斯逮捕。
種種指控不是指向哈馬斯，而是其它的激進組織。可能，阿克薩烈士旅與伊斯蘭聖戰者只是哈馬斯的白手套；也可能，哈馬斯管不了自己的地方而該打；更可能的是，哈馬斯只是一個政治團體而淡化不了一百四十多萬巴勒斯坦人對以軍的幾十年仇怨。
不過什麼可能都好，以軍這次大型襲擊一定會激起巴勒斯坦大大小小激進組織的反以情緒。即使哈馬斯因為以軍大舉進軍而滅，其它激進組織只會成為第二個哈馬斯。以軍一月針對哈馬斯的攻擊，對象錯！手段錯！出擊又是為了什麼？
以巴戰爭的美國元素
距離美國總統交接不足一星期，這一次以巴戰爭更顯得耐人尋味。布殊政府一直是以色列的好朋友。以軍對加沙開火，布殊一定不會大力阻止。問題是奧巴馬的取態如何。沉默多日，奧巴馬在上星期日接受一家美國電視台採訪時表示，他正在組建專責團隊，在接棒之後就立即著手推進中東和平進程的全面發展。
更重要的是，奧巴馬再次表示“以色列有保衛自己的基本權利”，還說，他不會為了黨派政治而將布殊的中東問題原則全盤拋棄。這暗示，奧巴馬的以巴政策與布殊的相去不遠。
早前，流亡的哈馬斯精神領袖梅沙爾發表電視講話，越洋對奧巴馬喊話：要他停止美國在以巴衝突問題上的雙重標準。巴勒斯坦自治當局主席阿巴斯譴責了以方的地面行動，並指責這是邪惡的侵略。
哈馬斯也好，阿巴斯也好，各政團都在試圖影響奧巴馬對以巴的取態。如今，哈馬斯將不再延續同以色列達成的為期六個月的停火協議。美國新領袖的主意，各界還未掌握。不過，巴勒斯坦的平民注定成為犧牲品。如常言：兩象相爭，受傷的必定是象下小草。(馮智政)
http://migrant.coolloud.org.tw/node/34033
【誠惶誠恐按】略有補充如下：
- 這篇文章提到「在去年6月24日，巴勒斯坦激進組織伊斯蘭聖戰者向以色列發射火箭炮，以報復以軍空襲西岸時炸死該組織的兩名成員。另外，三名巴勒斯坦激進組織阿克薩烈士旅的成員向以色列境內發射火箭彈以報復該組織一名沒有武裝的成員在加沙邊境站被以軍打死；而且，發射火箭彈的阿克薩烈士旅成員隨即被哈馬斯逮捕。」已點出是以色列違反協議在先，伊斯蘭聖戰者成員及阿克薩烈士旅成員報復在後。根據聯合國資料，去年停火協議生效初期，違反協議的絕大部份是以色列方。（見下帖）
[/*:m] - 這篇文章沒有提及去年11月份初以色列已嚴重破壞停火協議，襲擊加沙，殺了六人（見開欄文章及 #5）。[/*:m][/list:o][/size]
- 這篇文章提到「在去年6月24日，巴勒斯坦激進組織伊斯蘭聖戰者向以色列發射火箭炮，以報復以軍空襲西岸時炸死該組織的兩名成員。另外，三名巴勒斯坦激進組織阿克薩烈士旅的成員向以色列境內發射火箭彈以報復該組織一名沒有武裝的成員在加沙邊境站被以軍打死；而且，發射火箭彈的阿克薩烈士旅成員隨即被哈馬斯逮捕。」已點出是以色列違反協議在先，伊斯蘭聖戰者成員及阿克薩烈士旅成員報復在後。根據聯合國資料，去年停火協議生效初期，違反協議的絕大部份是以色列方。（見下帖）
UN: Israel violated truce 7 times in one week
UN records 7 incidents of IDF soldiers attempting to drive Palestinian farmers away from border fence by shooting at them. Only one offence marked against Palestinians for firing on Sderot; report does not include most recent rocket fire
Roi Mandel Published: 06.27.08, 00:31 / Israel News
Since it went into effect last week, at least eight violations of the new ceasefire agreement with Hamas and the Palestinian factions have been recorded, a UN source told Ynet on Thursday. According to the source, seven violations were committed by the IDF, while the Palestinians are responsible for just one.
However the UN report does not include the Qassam fire launched towards the Negev during the day. \”It is important that both sides honor the ceasefire, in order for it to be the first constructive step towards a wider and more extensive peace process between the sides,\” the source said.
Most of the offences committed by the IDF include shots fired by soldiers at Palestinian farmers attempting to reach their land near the border security fence. According to the UN, on June 20 an IDF patrol shot at Palestinian farmers near the fence east of Rafah. The soldiers fired for ten minutes in order to drive the farmers away, but no injuries were reported.
During the evening of the same day a similar incident was recorded, in which IDF forces shot at Palestinian farmers near the Maghazi refugee camp. Soldiers reportedly fired for five minutes, and no injuries were reported. An hour later soldiers fired towards fisherman near the northern Gaza Strip town of Beit Lahiya in an attempt to drive them away.
Early on June 21 Navy forces opened fire in the same area, and later the same morning forces fired towards Palestinians near the Maghazi refugee camp. No injuries were reported in either case.
70-year old Jamil al-Gahoul was injured from IDF fire two days later, when an army patrol opened fire on a group of Palestinians reportedly gathering wood near Beit Lahiya at 7 am.
Only one Palestinian offence
The first violation committed by the Palestinians was recorded a day later, on June 24, when Islamic Jihad fired three rockets at Sderot from the northern Gaza Strip town of Beit Hanoun.
On Wednesday morning IDF forces opened fire towards Palestinian farmers near the southern Gaza Strip town of Khan Younis. An 82-year old man was seriously injured from the fire, which lasted a few minutes.
Regarding the accusations against Israel the IDF stated that no attacks had been carried out in the Gaza Strip during the past few days, but that some incidents had occurred in which IDF soldiers had carried out operations.
Israel and Hamas have accused each other of violating the ceasefire agreement. Following the rocket fire at Sderot, Prime Minister Ehud Olmert said that the fire constitutes a blatant violation of the truce. Defense Minister Ehud Barak decided that the Gaza border crossings would remain closed following the fire, causing Hamas to accuse Israel of infringement of the agreement.
Hanan Greenberg contributed to this report
http://www.ynetnews.com/articles/0,7340,L-3560972,00.html
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UN Sources: “7 out of 8 truce violations were carried by Israel”
Friday June 27, 2008 23:52 by Saed Bannoura – IMEMC NewsSources at the United Nations stated on Friday that after one week of truce in Gaza eight violations were reported, seven of these violations were carried by the Israeli army and the eighth was carried by the PalestiniansThe sources added that despite these violations, the truce appears to be holding and that the Hamas movement, which dominates Gaza, said it is committed to the truce.
The reported violations do not include one homemade shell fired by resistance factions at the Israeli Negev town of Sdeort, and two mortars fired by the resistance in response to the Israeli violations.
The UN sources said that most of the violations were carried by Israel and that these violations originated from an incident when the army opened fire at Palestinian farmers attempting to reach their lands close to the border fence.
The sources added that on June 20 at 10:05, Israeli soldiers opened fire at farmers for ten minutes in an attempt to push them away from their lands; no injuries were reported. On the same day, at 19:20, soldiers carried a similar violation by firing at farmers attempting to reach their lands. The shooting lasted for five minutes, no injuries were reported.
Moreover, soldiers opened fire at Palestinian fishermen near Beit Lahia, in the northern part of the Gaza Strip.
During the early morning hours of June 21, soldiers opened fire at the same area causing no damages or injuries.
On the same day, soldiers fired at farmers in an area in Al Maghazi refugee camp, south of Gaza city; no injuries were reported.
During the morning hours of June 23, soldiers opened fire at Palestinian loggers near Beit Lahia, and seriously wounded a 68-year old man who identified as Jamil Al Ghoul.
The only Palestinian violation was carried out on June 24 when fighters of the Al Quds Brigades, the armed wing of the Islamic Jihad, fired two homemade shells at 15:40 and 16:10. The shells were fired from Beit Hanoun and targeted the Israeli Negev town of Sderot.
The Brigades fired the shells in retaliation to the assassination of one of the leaders of Brigades in the northern West Bank city of Nablus.
During the morning hours of June 26, Israeli soldiers fired at several farmers in Khan Younis, in the southern part of the Gaza Strip. One elderly man, 82, was seriously wounded.
Although two elderly famers were wounded in two incidents, the army claimed that soldiers opened fire in an attempt to push suspects away from the border fence. UN sources said that the army will not allow anybody to get close to the fence.
Gaza truce broken as Israeli raid kills six Hamas gunmen
Rory McCarthy in Jerusalem
guardian.co.uk, Wednesday 5 November 2008 14.32 GMT
A man sifts throught rubble after Israel\’s overnight operation Photograph: Marco Longari/AFPA four-month ceasefire between Israel and Palestinian militants in Gaza was in jeopardy today after Israeli troops killed six Hamas gunmen in a raid into the territory.
Hamas responded by firing a wave of rockets into southern Israel, although no one was injured. The violence represented the most serious break in a ceasefire agreed in mid-June, yet both sides suggested they wanted to return to atmosphere of calm.
Israeli troops crossed into the Gaza Strip late last night near the town of Deir al-Balah. The Israeli military said the target of the raid was a tunnel that they said Hamas was planning to use to capture Israeli soldiers positioned on the border fence 250m away. Four Israeli soldiers were injured in the operation, two moderately and two lightly, the military said.
One Hamas gunman was killed and Palestinians launched a volley of mortars at the Israeli military. An Israeli air strike then killed five more Hamas fighters. In response, Hamas launched 35 rockets into southern Israel, one reaching the city of Ashkelon.
\”This was a pinpoint operation intended to prevent an immediate threat,\” the Israeli military said in a statement. \”There is no intention to disrupt the ceasefire, rather the purpose of the operation was to remove an immediate and dangerous threat posted by the Hamas terror organisation.\”
In Gaza, a Hamas spokesman, Fawzi Barhoum, said the group had fired rockets out of Gaza as a \”response to Israel\’s massive breach of the truce\”.
\”The Israelis began this tension and they must pay an expensive price. They cannot leave us drowning in blood while they sleep soundly in their beds,\” he said.
The attack comes shortly before a key meeting this Sunday in Cairo when Hamas and its political rival Fatah will hold talks on reconciling their differences and creating a single, unified government. It will be the first time the two sides have met at this level since fighting a near civil war more than a year ago.
Until now it had appeared both Israel and Hamas, which seized full control of Gaza last summer, had an interest in maintaining the ceasefire. For Israel it has meant an end to the daily barrage of rockets landing in southern towns, particularly Sderot. For Gazans it has meant an end to the regular Israeli military raids that have caused hundreds of casualties, many of them civilian, in the past year. Israel, however, has maintained its economic blockade on the strip, severely limiting imports and preventing all exports from Gaza.
Ehud Barak, the Israeli defence minister, had personally approved the Gaza raid, the Associated Press said. The Israeli military concluded that Hamas was likely to want to continue the ceasefire despite the raid, it said. The ceasefire was due to run for six months and it is still unclear whether it will stretch beyond that limit.
http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2008/nov/05/israelandthepalestinians
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